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The Akan () people are a kwa languages group living primarily in present-day Ghana and in parts of Ivory Coast and Togo in West Africa. The Akan speak languages within the Central Tano branch of the Potou–Tano subfamily of the Niger–Congo family. Languages of the Akan Area: Papers in Western Kwa Linguistics and on the Linguistic Geography of the Area of Ancient. Isaac K. Chinebuah, H. Max J. Trutenau, Linguistic Circle of Accra, Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 1976, pp. 168. Subgroups of the Akan people include: the Adanse, Agona, Akuapem people, Akwamu, Akyem, Anyi people, Ashanti people, Baoulé, Bono people, Chakosi people, Fante people, Kwahu, Sefwi people, Wassa, Ahanta people, Denkyira and Nzema people, among others. The Akan subgroups all have cultural attributes in common; most notably the tracing of royal matrilineal descent in the inheritance of property, and for succession to high political office. All Akans are considered royals in status, but not all are in royal succession or hold titles.
Oral traditions and archaeological evidence indicate that the Akan trace their origins to the forest and forest–savanna transition zone, with early settlements such of Bono Manso, Begho, Wankyi, Asantemanso and Adansemanso playing central roles in their historical development. The Bono people of Takyiman recount Bono state as the first centralized Akan state—with its capital Bono Manso founded by a leader named Asaman, who emerged with his people from a sacred cave known as Amowi near modern day Techiman. According to tradition, Akan religion created the Bono people before the sky itself, and their land was the birthplace of humankind. The word “Bono” is said to mean “original” or “first.” Oral traditions from the Wankyi Bono recount that their ancestors first emerged from the ground at Bonoso, led out by a pig-like quadruped called Wankyi, before establishing their settlement at Wankyi. A related tradition remembers the Nyarko Bono, who trace their ancestry to the ancestress Efua Nyarko, after whom a quarter of Begho was named.
Many Akan clans locate their origins in
/ref> It is described as the first among five foundational states—Adanse, Akyem, Assin, Denkyira, and Asante—collectively called Akanman Piesie Anum. Abusua such as the Asona, Agona, Oyoko, and Bretuo are believed to have either originated from, settled, or have passed through Adanse. The Asante people trace their roots to Asantemanso, where the matriarch Ankyewa Nyame is said to have descended with sacred regalia, and where the founding clans emerged from the earth. The Twifo trace their ancestral homelands to the region between the Pra River and Kwisa range, including sacred towns like Apagya and Nimiaso. These traditions emphasize sacred geography, clan emergence, and spiritual unity, with the deity Bona acting as guardian of Adanse's early cohesion. The Akwamu identify early capitals at Twifo-Heman, Asamankese and later Nyanaoase, located near key trade routes in the southern forests. As their power grew, the capital shifted multiple times, eventually crossing the Volta River.
In the south and west, the Fante people recount a migration from Bono-Tekyiman to the coast, where they encountered the Guang people. Their founding is tied to Mankessim and the rock shrine Nananom Pow, linked to the legendary ancestral trio Obrumankoma, Odapagyan, and Oson. The Aowin (also known as Anyi people) claim an early presence in the western forests. Their kingdom dominated regional trade and provided refuge to displaced groups before its decline during wars with Denkyira and Asante Empire. The Sefwi people trace their origins to the Bono state and Adansi areas but describe distinct migrations into the western forests in response to 17th–18th century warfare.
The Nzema people maintain coastal roots but preserve inland migration narratives, reflecting cultural blending with Akan-speaking neighbors. Further west, the Baoulé people of Côte d'Ivoire trace their ancestry to early Akan royal lineages and formed independent polities that retained strong ties to central Akan traditions.
In the south, Asantemanso and Adansemanso provide evidence of continuous forest settlement from at least the 9th century Common Era. According to oral and archaeological traditions, Asantemanso, remembered as the ancestral origin of the Aduana abusua, was occupied from about 700 BCE onward. Adansemanso was inhabited from roughly 393 to 1650 Common Era, with radiocarbon dating confirming continuous settlement from the 9th century. At its peak in the 13th–15th centuries, it was among the largest ancient towns in the Ashanti Region, containing domestic structures, iron-smelting debris, and brass Akan goldweights, reflecting early involvement in gold production and ironworking. By the early 17th century, however, Adansemanso had declined, with evidence pointing to its role as a major gold and bronze center before abandonment. The scarcity of foreign imports and tobacco pipes suggests this occurred prior to sustained European contact.
Archaeological evidence shows that complex political and economic systems in the central forest developed earlier than previously thought, emerging at the same time as northern forest-fringe centers such as Begho and Bono Manso. This contradicts older assumptions that permanent forest settlements only appeared after 1500, showing instead that urbanization predated European contact by several centuries.
By the 13th century, Begho had grown into a major commercial town. Archaeological research shows it was predominantly Brong in culture, with distinct quarters for Mande-speaking Muslim merchants and craft specialists, including brassworkers at Dwinfuor and iron smelters at Dapaa, four kilometres to the northwest. Finds such as Spindle whorl, dye pits, terracotta weights, and glass beads reflect intensive textile production and long-distance trade. Its position allowed it to link forest and savanna products to centers such as Jenne, Kong Empire, and Bobo-Dioulasso.
By the 14th century, Begho had become a cosmopolitan hub with copper and brass workshops, dyewells, imported Chinese ceramics, and Mithqal. Estimates place its population between 7,000 and 10,000, making it one of the largest settlements in precolonial Ghana. Gold formed the backbone of Bono's economy, fueling both internal authority and external commerce. From the 13th century onward, connections with trans-Saharan caravans intensified as Dyula people merchants exchanged brassware, Cowrie, Textile, and Horse for gold, Kola nut, and ivory. Bono Manso, Wankyi, and Begho were integrated into this network, serving as key nodes in the distribution of forest resources and the export of gold. The Akan goldfields, centered on Bonoman and its associated settlements, came to be recognized as one of the three great gold-producing regions of West Africa, alongside Bambuk and Bure.
The Adanse state emerged in the forest zone south of Bono state and is remembered in Akan cosmogony as the place “where God began creation”. Oral accounts identify Adansemanso as its first capital. Sacred geography also links the origins of several Abusua to Adanse. It was regarded as the first among five foundational Akan polities—alongside Akyem Kingdoms, Kingdoms of Assin, Kingdom of Denkyira, and Asante people—known collectively as the Akanman Piesie Anum. Major clans such as the Asona, Bretuo, Oyoko, and Agona trace their origins to towns within its territory.
By the 13th century, Adanse was integrated into Trans-Saharan trade networks through Wangara intermediaries, exchanging gold for Saharan goods. European sources praised the purity of gold from the Pra–Ofin River basin, known as "Accany sika", mined in areas such as Akrokerri and Dompoase under ritual supervision invoking the deity Bona. Statecraft was tied to control over goldfields, tribute, and military organization, with towns like Edubiase and Bodwesanwo producing weapons that sustained Adanse's regional influence.
From the 15th century, elite families with origins in Adansemanso and Asantemanso became wealthy through long-distance trade and established a political system known as abirempondom. These obirempon ruled from dominant towns that exercised authority over surrounding towns of free and unfree subjects, creating new forms of jurisdiction, land clearance, and court culture.
As these migrations accelerated, new settlements took root in the forest zone, giving rise to gold-producing states such as Wasa people, Aowin, and Tarkwa, which preserved core Akan institutions like matrilineal inheritance and stool-based governance while adapting them to more dispersed and ecologically varied settings. According to oral traditions, the Aowin state of the Anyi people people grew to become the dominant power in the southwestern forest, controlling gold sources and trade routes to Fort Apollonia and Begho. Their territory became a refuge for groups displaced by wars and territorial conflicts. As Aowin declined, incoming migrants from Bono, Adansi, and Denkyira established three autonomous but related states: Sefwi Wiawso, Sefwi-Bekwai, and Sefwi Anhwiaso, which absorbed cultural influences from neighboring Akan polities.
These names are now understood as early references to Akan groups in the Pra–Ofin River–Birim River basin. Portuguese sources described them as cavaleiros mercadores (“merchant knights”), reflecting their prominence in the Niger gold route, which linked the forest towns to wider Trans-Saharan trade. European records used terms like Accany or Arcania to describe this inland gold-producing region, which included Adanse, Asante Empire, Akyem, Kindom of Assin, and Kingdom of Denkyira. A 1629 Dutch map marked three inland zones as “Akani,” confirming the area's economic centrality. Accanist gold was known for its purity, often referred to as “Akan sika.” Portuguese forts like São Jorge da Mina were built to secure this trade, but inland Akan polities retained control over production and supply. By the mid-17th century, European firearms—especially Flintlock—had spread inland, reshaping warfare and state expansion.
By the early 16th century, the inland Akan polity of Adansi—once a dominant power in the forest zone—was facing growing internal and external pressures. Portuguese records from 1502 mention a war between the Akan and Guang people, and by 1548 they noted a “civil war among the Akans,” indicating early political fragmentation. Over the following century, European demand for gold and the introduction of firearms intensified inter-state rivalry. Akan polities began acquiring muskets through coastal trade and using enslaved captives and gold as currency for arms.
By the mid-17th century, states such as Akwamu, Denkyira, Akyem, and Assin—many of which traced their origins to Adanse—had emerged as autonomous militarized powers. These polities challenged Adansi's dominance by expanding territory, controlling trade routes, and asserting political independence. The resulting instability reshaped the Akani Confederation, which had previously linked forest Akan states through trade and shared institutions.
European sources from this period began distinguishing Great Accany with Akyem, and Little Accany with the Assin states situated south of the goldfields. As warfare escalated and tribute networks collapsed, the cohesion of the Akani bloc eroded. By the late 17th century, European observers noted the rise of Denkyira and Akwamu as dominant forces, using firearms and captives to consolidate power. As Akwamu rose as a dominant Akan power, expanding eastward under Ansa Sasraku and capturing Accra by 1681, turning it into a tributary while collecting rents from European forts. Denkyira, built on gold wealth and military conscription, imposed harsh demands on its tributaries under Ntim Gyakari, provoking widespread unrest. Its overreach and imperial dominance ultimately sparked the rise of Osei Tutu and the Asante Empire that would challenge and overthrow Denkyira hegemony.
In 1699, Asante challenged Denkyira, whose tributaries—including Assin and Twifo—joined the revolt. Denkyira's firearm supply was cut off, and in 1701 it was defeated at the Battle of Feyiase. Asante then centralized power and expanded rapidly, leveraging firearms and alliances with coastal merchants. By 1709, it was a dominant force inland.As Asante power extended southwestward, it came into direct conflict with the Aowin state, which had previously dominated the region between the Tano River and Bia River. In 1715, Asante forces under General Amankwatia—aided by their Wiawso allies—launched a major campaign against Aowin, resulting in the loss of Aowin western territories and their eventual reduction to tributary status. This marked a major shift in regional power dynamics, as Aowin former refuge areas were gradually absorbed into the expanding Asante sphere.
The destruction of Bono Manso in the 1722–1723 war marked a turning point in the western forest. Internal succession disputes and the unpopular rule of Ameyaw Kwakye had already weakened Bono state authority, and Asante forces quickly overran the town, capturing its rulers and artisans, and relocating regalia and treasury assets to Kumasi. Many Bono people fled to Techiman, while others migrated westward regrouping in nearby settlements Gyaman, Abease, and the Banda area. This displacement helped form the Gyaman, whose rulers were remembered in oral tradition as “sons of Bono kings.” As Bono refugees and military auxiliaries moved across the frontier, they brought Akan political institutions with them. This contributed to the development of Gyaman, and further west, the emergence of the Baoulé and other splinter groups seeking refuge from Asante Empire.
Akan captives, often labeled as “Coromantee” in British Empire, gained a reputation for resistance and military discipline. Many were former soldiers from warring states like Fante people, Akwamu or Ashanti, and their skills were transferred to plantation and Maroons communities. They played central roles in uprisings across the Americas, including the 1733 Akwamu-led revolt on St. John, the 1760 Tacky's Rebellion in Jamaica, and the 1763 Berbice uprising in Guyana led by Coffy, a Coromantee war captain. Some Coromantee, such as Chief Takyi in Jamaica, were former warlords turned rebels who attempted to recreate Akan-style governance during these revolts.
The legacy of Akan resistance survives in the cultural identity of groups such as the Maroons of Jamaica and Suriname, whose languages, rituals, and military structures retain echoes of Akan influence. In several colonies, colonial authorities even feared large concentrations of Coromantee slaves, associating them with rebellion and political organization.
Asante's control over goldfields and strategic corridors put it in direct competition with coastal states like the Fante Confederacy. In response to rising Asante power and European trade pressures, the Fante reorganized in the mid-18th century into a defensive coalition of city-states led from Mankessim. While culturally Akan, the Fante developed a distinct political identity shaped by diplomacy with European powers and rivalry with Asante Empire. By the 1760s, the Fante Confederacy had become a key player along the coast, defending its territory through alliances with the British and resisting inland incursions.
Although weakened, Asante people remained autonomous until 1900, when a final confrontation over British demands for the Golden Stool triggered the War of the Golden Stool. Led by Yaa Asantewaa, Queen Mother of Ejisu, Asante resistance culminated in the siege of Kumasi, the exile of Asantehene Prempeh I, and Asante's formal incorporation into the British colony by 1901.
Meanwhile, Gyaman engaged with French expansion in the western Sudan. In 1888, the Gyamanhene signed a protection treaty with France to resist Asante people and British people encroachment. France failed to assert control, and in 1895, Samori Ture launched a devastating campaign that destabilized the region. After the French expelled Samori in 1897, Gyaman was partitioned: the western zone, including Bondoukou, was annexed into French West Africa, while the eastern section, centered on Sampa, became part of the British Protectorate.
On the coast, polities such as the Fante Confederacy, Elmina, Asebu, and Anomabo were gradually brought under indirect British rule through treaties and trade. By the early 20th century, nearly all Akan territories had been absorbed into the colonial framework of the British Gold Coast and the French Colonial Empire. In central Ivory Coast, the Baoulé also resisted colonial occupation. In 1906, Governor Gabriel Angoulvant launched a military campaign to forcibly subdue Baoulé chiefdoms, marking one of the last major uprisings against French rule in the region.
The territory united the Gold Coast colony with British Togoland, as well as the Northern and Upper regions, forming a multiethnic state that nonetheless drew heavily on the political and symbolic legacy of Akan institutions—including chieftaincy systems, council governance, and traditions of resistance.
Across the border, neighboring Ivory Coast gained independence from France in 1960 under the leadership of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, a prominent Baoulé figure who had served as a French parliamentarian. As president, Houphouët-Boigny oversaw the establishment of a centralized state that integrated traditional Akan political culture with republican governance. The Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI), which he founded, remained the dominant political force for decades, and its core support was drawn from Akan-speaking populations in the forest zone.
Like Ghana, Ivory Coast is home to a significant Akan population—estimated at nearly 40% of the national total—including groups such as the Baule people, Agni people, and Nzema people. Many Akan-descended communities retained customary authority structures alongside colonial and postcolonial institutions. In 1969, the Sanwi kingdom of Krindjabo, claiming descent from Anyi people royalty, famously attempted to secede from Ivory Coast and restore monarchical rule. Though unsuccessful, the attempt underscored the enduring cultural relevance of Akan identity, kingship, and historical memory in the Ivory Coast.
Akan kings are ranked according to their jurisdiction. The head of an inter-clan Confederacy is usually considered a King, as in the Kings of Ashanti, Fante, Akyem and the Akwapim. Under these are the heads of the constituent states who equates an Emperor that only heads an Empire (e.g., Asante Empire and the Denkyira). In Asante's case, as an Empire, the Asantehene reigned over the non-Oyoko clan city-states and ruled over the kings of those states as an Imperial head or Emperor (a hardly used but an equivalent term for Emperor or the king of kings). Next there are divisional Chiefs, they are primarily arranged according to the five divisions of an Akan army. The Fante army or Asafo formation resembles a cross or an airplane. The Fante battle formations eventually had some European influences and many Asafo Frankaa (battle flags) incorporated the British Union Jack after 1844 when they allied with them. The battle formation has the Frontline, the West Flank, an East Flank, the main body and the Vanguard. There are, therefore, five divisional chiefs in each Paramountcy. These are followed in rank by the Kings of the city and then the Kings of the town and then king of the suburbs.
The Akan peoples mostly have seven Abusua (Matrilineal clans/tribes) in each state. They do not have the same names in each state but each has an equivalent clan (e.g. in Fante areas along the coast, the Asante clan of Oyoko is referred to as Dehyena or Yokofo). The clans are assigned States which they rule by their status as founders of that jurisdiction. The Ashanti Kingdom is ruled by the Oyoko Clan. However, the Bretuo or Twidanfo (in Fante), as well as other clans, rule States, Divisions, Towns, and Villages within the Kingdom. The Fante-speaking peoples usually have the Asona Clan ruling most of their States (like Mankessim). Certain sub-clans or lineages have exclusive rights to some stools within Akanland such as the lineage of Afia Kobi in the Oyoko Clan who alone sits on the Golden Stool of Asante.
The Akans are traditionally a Matrilineal people of the African continent. Matrilineal inheritance makes it easier to trace the line of succession. Within each lineage or House are the branches. The chief of a family is called an Abusuapanyin (or family-elder). Ranking above a family chief (a family's Abusuapanyin) is the clan's chief (or clan's Abusuapanyin). These branches are called Jaase/Gyaase or Kitchens. Each Kitchen takes its turn to present a candidate for the stool to the kingmakers of the lineage. Once accepted their candidate rules till death. This means until all the Jaase have presented their candidates they have to wait their turn.
Akan Kings of whatever rank have other nobleman who serve them as sub-chiefs. These sub-chiefs do not have hereditary titles and therefore do not have black stools. Besides, each King has a female co-ruler known as the Queen-mother. The Queen-mother is more like a figurehead representing the King's or Emperor's eldest sister and hence the mother of the next King or Emperor, she could rule as a King if she wishes (e.g. queen-mothers mainly from the House of Asona clan: Nana Abena Boaa who ruled Offinso 1610–1640, Nana Afia Dokuaa who ruled Akyem Abuakwa 1817–1835, and Nana Yaa Asantewaa who ruled Edweso 1896–1900) as well as Komfo Muna who ruled Mankessim 1830–1872. They present the candidate for consideration as King. An assistant king does not have a Queen-mother as his title is not hereditary.
A Prince or Daakyehen (Fante, literally Future-king) is any of the members of the lineage eligible to sit on a stool. However, not all royals are Princes as some may be ineligible. A prince is not necessarily the son of a King but rather the former King's nephew on the mother's side. As such, royals strive to achieve the position of a prince in their families or for their children. All Akan clans are considered royal in the context of their matrilineal society. Each clan, known as abusua, plays a significant role in inheritance, succession, and the selection of chiefs. The eight main Akan clans—Oyoko, Bretuo, Agona, Asona, Asenie, Aduana, Ekuona, and Asakyiri—are integral to the governance of their respective communities. Members of these clans are viewed as royals, as chiefs are traditionally chosen from them, reinforcing their royal status within Akan culture.
A sub-chief does not, however, need to be a nobleman. He only has to be suitable for the position he is to occupy. Some sub-chieftaincy positions can be abolished at will. They include the heads of the ruling house or Mankrado, the Linquist, the Chief Kingmaker or Jaasehen/Gyaasehen, the Supi (Fante) or General of the Army, the Captains of the Army or Asafohen (Fante) among others. The way Akans ruled their nation fascinated the tribes and peoples of other West African nations and as the Akans conquered or formed alliances with these nations, parts of it were transmitted to them. The British particularly felt the Akan system was highly efficient and tried to establish it throughout their dominions in West Africa using the Indirect Rule System. The Ewes and the Ga-Adangmes with their close affinity to the Akans have modified certain aspects of it to fit their societies.
In Ghana and other modern states where the Akan people are located, the Kings, Assistant Kings, Princes, and Noblemen of the Akans serve mostly a symbolic role. Modern politics has side-lined them in national politics although it is common to find that an elected or appointed official to be of Akan royalty. And, especially in the villages and poor areas, traditional Kings are still very important for organizing development, social services and keeping the peace. Some Kings have decided to push ahead with the leadership of their Kingdoms and States in a non-political fashion. The Asantehen and okyehen have emphasized Education and Environmental Sustainability respectively. Others push the national government and its agents to fulfill promises to their people.
In modern Ghana, a quasi-legislative/judicial body known as the House of "Chiefs" (a colonial term to belittle African Kings because of the racist belief to not equate an African King with a European King in rank) has been established to oversee "chieftaincy" and the Government of Ghana as the British Government once did certifies the Chiefs and gazettes them. Several Akan Kings sit at the various levels of the National House of "Chiefs". Each Paramountcy has a Traditional Council, then there is the Regional House of "Chiefs" and lastly the National House of "Chiefs". Akan Kings who once warred with each other and Kings of other nations within Ghana now sit with them to build peace and advocate development for their nations. The identity of an Akan nation or meta-ethnicity is expressed by the term Akanman. The Akan word ɔman ( plural Aman) which forms the second element in this expression has a meaning much of "community, town, nation, state". has been translated as "Akanland".
Some of their most important mythological stories are called anansesem, literally meaning "the spider story", but in a figurative sense also meaning "traveler's tales". These "spider stories" are sometimes also referred to as nyankomsem: "words of a sky god". The stories generally, but not always, revolve around Anansi, a trickster spirit, often depicted as a spider, human, or a combination thereof. A Treasury of African Folklore: the oral literature, traditions, myths, legends, epics, tales, recollections, wisdom, sayings, and humour of Africa, Crown Publishers, 1975, 617 pp.
Elements of Akan culture also include, but are not limited to: Facets of Ghanaian culture African Studies, Jerry Bedu-Addo, 1989. 68 pp. Akan Weights and the Gold Trade, Longman, 1980. 393 pp. Sankofa: African thought and education, P. Lang, 1995, 236 pp. Simultaneity in signed languages: form and function, John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2007, 355 pp. The Rough Guide to West Africa, Penguin, 2008, 1360 pp.
Public offices are, thus, vested in the lineage, as are land tenure and other lineage property. In other words, lineage property is inherited only by matrilineal kin.Busia, Kofi Abrefa (1970). Encyclopædia Britannica, 1970. William Benton, publisher, The University of Chicago. , Vol. 1, p. 477. (This Akan article was written by Kofi Abrefa Busia, formerly professor of Sociology and Culture of Africa at the University of Leiden, Netherlands.) Each lineage controls the lineage land farmed by its members, functions together in the veneration of its ancestors, supervises marriages of its members, and settles internal disputes among its members. Owusu-Ansah, David (Nov1994) "Ghana: The Akan Group". This source, "Ghana"
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The political units above are likewise grouped (into traditionally seven) but as of today, eight larger groups called abusua: Aduana, Agona, Asakyiri, Asenie, Asona, Bretuo, Ekuona, and Oyoko. The members of each such abusua are united by their belief that they are all descended from the same ancient ancestress – so marriage between members of the same group (or abusua) is forbidden, a taboo on marriage. One inherits or is a lifelong member of, the lineage, the political unit and the abusua of one's mother, regardless of one's gender or marriage. Members and their spouses thus belong to different abusuas, with mother and children living and working in one household, and their husband/father living and working in a different household.
According to one source of information about the Akan, "A man is strongly related to his mother's brother (wɔfa) but only weakly related to his father's brother. This is perhaps viewed in the context of a polygamous society in which the mother/child bond is likely to be much stronger than the father/child bond. As a result, in inheritance, a man's nephew (his sister's son) (wɔfase) will have priority over his own son. Uncle-nephew relationships, therefore, assume a dominant position."
"The principles governing inheritance, generation, and age – that is to say, men come before women and seniors before juniors." ... When a woman's brothers are available, a consideration of generational seniority stipulates that the line of brothers be exhausted before the right to inherit lineage property passes down to the next senior genealogical generation of sisters' sons. Finally, "it is when all possible male heirs have been exhausted that the females" may inherit.
Certain other aspects of the Akan culture are determined patrilineally rather than matrilineally. There are ancestrally 12 patrilineal Ntoro (spirit) groups, and everyone belongs to his or her father's Ntoro group, but not to his family lineage and abusua. Each Ntoro group has its own surnames,de Witte (2001), p. 55 shows such surnames in a family tree, which provides a useful example of names. taboos, ritual purifications, and forms of etiquette. A person thus inherits one's Ntoro from one's father but does not belong to his family.
A recent (2001) book provides an update on the Akan, stating that some families are changing from the above abusua structure to the nuclear family.de Witte (2001), p. 53. Housing, childcare, education, daily work, and elder care, etc. are then handled by that individual family, rather than by the abusua or clan, especially in the city.de Witte (2001), p. 73. The above taboo on marriage within one's abusua is sometimes ignored, but "clan membership" is still important, with many people still living in the abusua framework presented above.
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